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Тест: GRE General

Описание теста:
The Graduate Record Examination (GRE) is a group of standardized, multiple-choice admissions tests intended for applicants to Graduate School.
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What is the remainder when 121 is divided by 3?

The price of a certain stock increased eight points, and decreased thirteen points. If the stock price before the changes was x points, which of the following was the stock price, in points, after the changes?

If a = 4b and c = 2a, then, in terms of b, 3b + 2a + c =

What is the perimeter, in centimeters, of a rectangular newspaper ad 14 cm wide that has the same area as a rectangular newspaper ad 52 cm long and 28 cm wide?

A B
5/9 4/7


A B
3ab 3(a)3(b)


A B
1/5 + 1/7 1/9 + 1/4


Mr. Jones purchased the new bed room set by using an extended payment plan. The regular price of the set was $900.00, at on the payment plan he paid $300.00 up front and nine monthly payments of $69.00 each

A B
$23.00 The amount Mr. Jones paid in addition to the regular price of the bedroom set.


A B
x + 2y 2x-y


What is the least number r for which (3r + 2)(r - 3) = 0?

It is the concern of many colleges that the "greenhouse effect" is changing many of the earth's ----- weather patterns into ----- systems, unable to be accurately forecast by those who study them.

Children, after more than a generation of television, have become "hasty viewers"; as a result, if the camera lags, the attention of these young viewers ----.

Choreographer: Dance::

Goggles : Eyes::

Scowl : Displeasure::

Arboretum : Tree::

Drawl : Speak::

Soporific : Sleep::

Subterfuge : Deceive::

Mettlesome : Courage::

Although the study of women's history has only been developed as an academic discipline in the last 20 years, it is not the case that the current wave of feminist activity is the first in which interest in women's past was manifest. From its very beginnings, the nineteenth-century English women's movement sought to expand existing knowledge of the activities and achievements of women in the past. At the same time, like its American counterpart, the English women's movement had a powerful sense of its own historic importance and of its relationship to a wider social and political change.

Nowhere is this sense of the historical importance-- and of the historical connections between the women's movement and other social and political developments-- more evident than in Ray Strachey's classic account of the movement, The Cause. "The true history of the Women's Movement, " Strachey argues, "is the whole history of the nineteenth century." The women's movement was part of the broad sweep of liberal and progress of reform which was transforming society. Strachey emphasized this connection between the women's movement and the broader sweep of history by highlighting the importance for it of the enlightenment and the industrial Revolution. The protests made by the women's movement at the confinement and injustices faced by women was, in Strachey's view, part of the liberal attack on traditional prejudices and injustice. This critique of the women's confinement was supplemented by the demand for recognition of women's role in the public, particularly the philanthropic, realm. Indeed it was the criticism of the limitations faced by women on the one hand, and their establishment of a new public role on the other hand, which provided the core of the movement, determining also its form: its organization around campaigns for legal, political, and social reform.

Strachey's analysis was a very illuminating one, nowhere more so than in her insistence that, despite their differences and even antipathy to each other, with the radical Mary Wollstonecraft and evangelical Hannah More need to be seen as forerunners of the mid-Victorian feminism. Where Strachey pictured a relatively fixed image of domestic women throughout the first half of the nineteenth century, recent historical and literary works suggest that this image was both complex and unstable. The establishment of a separate domestic sphere for women was but one aspect of the enormous change in sexual and familial relationships which were occurring from the late eighteenth century through to the mid nineteenth. These changes were accompanied by both anxiety and uncertainty and by the constant articulation of women's duty in new social world.


The primary purpose of this passage is to:

Although the study of women's history has only been developed as an academic discipline in the last 20 years, it is not the case that the current wave of feminist activity is the first in which interest in women's past was manifest. From its very beginnings, the nineteenth-century English women's movement sought to expand existing knowledge of the activities and achievements of women in the past. At the same time, like its American counterpart, the English women's movement had a powerful sense of its own historic importance and of its relationship to a wider social and political change.

Nowhere is this sense of the historical importance-- and of the historical connections between the women's movement and other social and political developments-- more evident than in Ray Strachey's classic account of the movement, The Cause. "The true history of the Women's Movement, " Strachey argues, "is the whole history of the nineteenth century." The women's movement was part of the broad sweep of liberal and progress of reform which was transforming society. Strachey emphasized this connection between the women's movement and the broader sweep of history by highlighting the importance for it of the enlightenment and the industrial Revolution. The protests made by the women's movement at the confinement and injustices faced by women was, in Strachey's view, part of the liberal attack on traditional prejudices and injustice. This critique of the women's confinement was supplemented by the demand for recognition of women's role in the public, particularly the philanthropic, realm. Indeed it was the criticism of the limitations faced by women on the one hand, and their establishment of a new public role on the other hand, which provided the core of the movement, determining also its form: its organization around campaigns for legal, political, and social reform.

Strachey's analysis was a very illuminating one, nowhere more so than in her insistence that, despite their differences and even antipathy to each other, with the radical Mary Wollstonecraft and evangelical Hannah More need to be seen as forerunners of the mid-Victorian feminism. Where Strachey pictured a relatively fixed image of domestic women throughout the first half of the nineteenth century, recent historical and literary works suggest that this image was both complex and unstable. The establishment of a separate domestic sphere for women was but one aspect of the enormous change in sexual and familial relationships which were occurring from the late eighteenth century through to the mid nineteenth. These changes were accompanied by both anxiety and uncertainty and by the constant articulation of women's duty in new social world.


The passage contains information to answer all of the following questions Except

Although the study of women's history has only been developed as an academic discipline in the last 20 years, it is not the case that the current wave of feminist activity is the first in which interest in women's past was manifest. From its very beginnings, the nineteenth-century English women's movement sought to expand existing knowledge of the activities and achievements of women in the past. At the same time, like its American counterpart, the English women's movement had a powerful sense of its own historic importance and of its relationship to a wider social and political change.

Nowhere is this sense of the historical importance-- and of the historical connections between the women's movement and other social and political developments-- more evident than in Ray Strachey's classic account of the movement, The Cause. "The true history of the Women's Movement, " Strachey argues, "is the whole history of the nineteenth century." The women's movement was part of the broad sweep of liberal and progress of reform which was transforming society. Strachey emphasized this connection between the women's movement and the broader sweep of history by highlighting the importance for it of the enlightenment and the industrial Revolution. The protests made by the women's movement at the confinement and injustices faced by women was, in Strachey's view, part of the liberal attack on traditional prejudices and injustice. This critique of the women's confinement was supplemented by the demand for recognition of women's role in the public, particularly the philanthropic, realm. Indeed it was the criticism of the limitations faced by women on the one hand, and their establishment of a new public role on the other hand, which provided the core of the movement, determining also its form: its organization around campaigns for legal, political, and social reform.

Strachey's analysis was a very illuminating one, nowhere more so than in her insistence that, despite their differences and even antipathy to each other, with the radical Mary Wollstonecraft and evangelical Hannah More need to be seen as forerunners of the mid-Victorian feminism. Where Strachey pictured a relatively fixed image of domestic women throughout the first half of the nineteenth century, recent historical and literary works suggest that this image was both complex and unstable. The establishment of a separate domestic sphere for women was but one aspect of the enormous change in sexual and familial relationships which were occurring from the late eighteenth century through to the mid nineteenth. These changes were accompanied by both anxiety and uncertainty and by the constant articulation of women's duty in new social world.


Which of the following is the best description of Ray Strachey's work, The Cause?

Although the study of women's history has only been developed as an academic discipline in the last 20 years, it is not the case that the current wave of feminist activity is the first in which interest in women's past was manifest. From its very beginnings, the nineteenth-century English women's movement sought to expand existing knowledge of the activities and achievements of women in the past. At the same time, like its American counterpart, the English women's movement had a powerful sense of its own historic importance and of its relationship to a wider social and political change.

Nowhere is this sense of the historical importance-- and of the historical connections between the women's movement and other social and political developments-- more evident than in Ray Strachey's classic account of the movement, The Cause. "The true history of the Women's Movement, " Strachey argues, "is the whole history of the nineteenth century." The women's movement was part of the broad sweep of liberal and progress of reform which was transforming society. Strachey emphasized this connection between the women's movement and the broader sweep of history by highlighting the importance for it of the enlightenment and the industrial Revolution. The protests made by the women's movement at the confinement and injustices faced by women was, in Strachey's view, part of the liberal attack on traditional prejudices and injustice. This critique of the women's confinement was supplemented by the demand for recognition of women's role in the public, particularly the philanthropic, realm. Indeed it was the criticism of the limitations faced by women on the one hand, and their establishment of a new public role on the other hand, which provided the core of the movement, determining also its form: its organization around campaigns for legal, political, and social reform.

Strachey's analysis was a very illuminating one, nowhere more so than in her insistence that, despite their differences and even antipathy to each other, with the radical Mary Wollstonecraft and evangelical Hannah More need to be seen as forerunners of the mid-Victorian feminism. Where Strachey pictured a relatively fixed image of domestic women throughout the first half of the nineteenth century, recent historical and literary works suggest that this image was both complex and unstable. The establishment of a separate domestic sphere for women was but one aspect of the enormous change in sexual and familial relationships which were occurring from the late eighteenth century through to the mid nineteenth. These changes were accompanied by both anxiety and uncertainty and by the constant articulation of women's duty in new social world.


The author includes Strachey's claim that "the true history of the Women's Movement... is the whole history of the nineteenth century " (lines 16-18) in order to emphasize

Although the study of women's history has only been developed as an academic discipline in the last 20 years, it is not the case that the current wave of feminist activity is the first in which interest in women's past was manifest. From its very beginnings, the nineteenth-century English women's movement sought to expand existing knowledge of the activities and achievements of women in the past. At the same time, like its American counterpart, the English women's movement had a powerful sense of its own historic importance and of its relationship to a wider social and political change.

Nowhere is this sense of the historical importance-- and of the historical connections between the women's movement and other social and political developments-- more evident than in Ray Strachey's classic account of the movement, The Cause. "The true history of the Women's Movement, " Strachey argues, "is the whole history of the nineteenth century." The women's movement was part of the broad sweep of liberal and progress of reform which was transforming society. Strachey emphasized this connection between the women's movement and the broader sweep of history by highlighting the importance for it of the enlightenment and the industrial Revolution. The protests made by the women's movement at the confinement and injustices faced by women was, in Strachey's view, part of the liberal attack on traditional prejudices and injustice. This critique of the women's confinement was supplemented by the demand for recognition of women's role in the public, particularly the philanthropic, realm. Indeed it was the criticism of the limitations faced by women on the one hand, and their establishment of a new public role on the other hand, which provided the core of the movement, determining also its form: its organization around campaigns for legal, political, and social reform.

Strachey's analysis was a very illuminating one, nowhere more so than in her insistence that, despite their differences and even antipathy to each other, with the radical Mary Wollstonecraft and evangelical Hannah More need to be seen as forerunners of the mid-Victorian feminism. Where Strachey pictured a relatively fixed image of domestic women throughout the first half of the nineteenth century, recent historical and literary works suggest that this image was both complex and unstable. The establishment of a separate domestic sphere for women was but one aspect of the enormous change in sexual and familial relationships which were occurring from the late eighteenth century through to the mid nineteenth. These changes were accompanied by both anxiety and uncertainty and by the constant articulation of women's duty in new social world.


While the author of acknowledges Strachey's importance in the study of women's history she faults Strachey for

Although the study of women's history has only been developed as an academic discipline in the last 20 years,it is not the case that the current wave of feminist activity is the first in which interest in women's past was manifest. From its very beginnings, the nineteenth-century English women's movement sought to expand existing knowledge of the activities and achievements of women in the past. At the same time, like its American counterpart, the English women's movement had a powerful sense of its own historic importance and of its relationship to a wider social and political change.

Nowhere is this sense of the historical importance-- and of the historical connections between the women's movement and other social and political developments-- more evident than in Ray Strachey's classic account of the movement, The Cause. "The true history of the Women's Movement, " Strachey argues, "is the whole history of the nineteenth century." The women's movement was part of the broad sweep of liberal and progress of reform which was transforming society. Strachey emphasized this connection between the women's movement and the broader sweep of history by highlighting the importance for it of the enlightenment and the industrial Revolution. The protests made by the women's movement at the confinement and injustices faced by women was, in Strachey's view, part of the liberal attack on traditional prejudices and injustice. This critique of the women's confinement was supplemented by the demand for recognition of women's role in the public, particularly the philanthropic, realm. Indeed it was the criticism of the limitations faced by women on the one hand, and their establishment of a new public role on the other hand, which provided the core of the movement, determining also its form: its organization around campaigns for legal, political, and social reform.

Strachey's analysis was a very illuminating one, nowhere more so than in her insistence that, despite their differences and even antipathy to each other, with the radical Mary Wollstonecraft and evangelical Hannah More need to be seen as forerunners of the mid-Victorian feminism. Where Strachey pictured a relatively fixed image of domestic women throughout the first half of the nineteenth century, recent historical and literary works suggest that this image was both complex and unstable. The establishment of a separate domestic sphere for women was but one aspect of the enormous change in sexual and familial relationships which were occurring from the late eighteenth century through to the mid nineteenth. These changes were accompanied by both anxiety and uncertainty and by the constant articulation of women's duty in new social world.


Which of the following best describes the structure of the final paragraph?

Although the study of women's history has only been developed as an academic discipline in the last 20 years, it is not the case that the current wave of feminist activity is the first in which interest in women's past was manifest. From its very beginnings, the nineteenth-century English women's movement sought to expand existing knowledge of the activities and achievements of women in the past. At the same time, like its American counterpart, the English women's movement had a powerful sense of its own historic importance and of its relationship to a wider social and political change.

Nowhere is this sense of the historical importance-- and of the historical connections between the women's movement and other social and political developments-- more evident than in Ray Strachey's classic account of the movement, The Cause. "The true history of the Women's Movement, " Strachey argues, "is the whole history of the nineteenth century." The women's movement was part of the broad sweep of liberal and progress of reform which was transforming society. Strachey emphasized this connection between the women's movement and the broader sweep of history by highlighting the importance for it of the enlightenment and the industrial Revolution. The protests made by the women's movement at the confinement and injustices faced by women was, in Strachey's view, part of the liberal attack on traditional prejudices and injustice. This critique of the women's confinement was supplemented by the demand for recognition of women's role in the public, particularly the philanthropic, realm. Indeed it was the criticism of the limitations faced by women on the one hand, and their establishment of a new public role on the other hand, which provided the core of the movement, determining also its form: its organization around campaigns for legal, political, and social reform.

Strachey's analysis was a very illuminating one, nowhere more so than in her insistence that, despite their differences and even antipathy to each other, with the radical Mary Wollstonecraft and evangelical Hannah More need to be seen as forerunners of the mid-Victorian feminism. Where Strachey pictured a relatively fixed image of domestic women throughout the first half of the nineteenth century, recent historical and literary works suggest that this image was both complex and unstable. The establishment of a separate domestic sphere for women was but one aspect of the enormous change in sexual and familial relationships which were occurring from the late eighteenth century through to the mid nineteenth. These changes were accompanied by both anxiety and uncertainty and by the constant articulation of women's duty in new social world.


Which of the following, if true, would most we can the author's assertion about the similarity between the English and American women's movement?

Although the study of women's history has only been developed as an academic discipline in the last 20 years, it is not the case that the current wave of feminist activity is the first in which interest in women's past was manifest. From its very beginnings, the nineteenth-century English women's movement sought to expand existing knowledge of the activities and achievements of women in the past. At the same time, like its American counterpart, the English women's movement had a powerful sense of its own historic importance and of its relationship to a wider social and political change.

Nowhere is this sense of the historical importance-- and of the historical connections between the women's movement and other social and political developments-- more evident than in Ray Strachey's classic account of the movement, The Cause. "The true history of the Women's Movement, " Strachey argues, "is the whole history of the nineteenth century." The women's movement was part of the broad sweep of liberal and progress of reform which was transforming society. Strachey emphasized this connection between the women's movement and the broader sweep of history by highlighting the importance for it of the enlightenment and the industrial Revolution. The protests made by the women's movement at the confinement and injustices faced by women was, in Strachey's view, part of the liberal attack on traditional prejudices and injustice. This critique of the women's confinement was supplemented by the demand for recognition of women's role in the public, particularly the philanthropic, realm. Indeed it was the criticism of the limitations faced by women on the one hand, and their establishment of a new public role on the other hand, which provided the core of the movement, determining also its form: its organization around campaigns for legal, political, and social reform.

Strachey's analysis was a very illuminating one, nowhere more so than in her insistence that, despite their differences and even antipathy to each other, with the radical Mary Wollstonecraft and evangelical Hannah More need to be seen as forerunners of the mid-Victorian feminism. Where Strachey pictured a relatively fixed image of domestic women throughout the first half of the nineteenth century, recent historical and literary works suggest that this image was both complex and unstable. The establishment of a separate domestic sphere for women was but one aspect of the enormous change in sexual and familial relationships which were occurring from the late eighteenth century through to the mid nineteenth. These changes were accompanied by both anxiety and uncertainty and by the constant articulation of women's duty in new social world.


The authors attitude toward Strachey's analysis is one of

For five years while remodeling the town's zoo Littleton parks commission has been transferring a large number of animals from the city of Littleton to both the Wambek and Starr King zoos in this city of Jefferson. It follows that when Littleton's zoo real reopens next year, either Wambek or Starr King will have to be closed and their animal populations consolidated. The author of the statements above assumes that

If the cost of a one-hour telephone call is $7.20, what would be the cost of a ten-minute telephone call at the same rate?

Which of the following numbers is greater than -7/3?

If a, b, and c are consecutive non-positive integers and a < b < c, which of the following must be true?

  I. -a < -c
 II. abc < 0
III. abc is even

After screenwriter Frank Johnson's most recent work opened in selected urban areas, many theatergoers were ---- , but after pundits expressed their ----, appreciation of the film increased and distribution surged.

Many feature films are criticized for their ---- content, even though television news is more often the medium that depicts violent events and excessive detail.

The use of alcohol and other drugs, with the exception of tobacco, seems to increase and decrease ----; certain products for mark by a social inclination toward abstinence, which after a time gives way to drug consumption in some parts of society, and eventually to ---- acceptance.

The American public venerates medical researchers because the researchers make frequent discoveries of tremendous humanitarian consequence; however, the daily routines of scientists are largely made up of the results verification and statistical analysis, making their occupations seem ---- .

Meteorology : Weather::

Fix : Stable::

Gall : Irritation

Chevron : Badge

Longing : Pine::

Blacksmith : Foundry

Papyrus : Paper

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